By Omar Kawam
We are pleased to introduce this thought-provoking series by medical student Omar Kawam. In Part 1, he lays the theoretical groundwork, critiquing the socio-economic forces behind ADHD diagnoses and exploring both psychiatrist and patient perspectives. This aligns with CPN’s mission to challenge over-medicalisation and promote systemic awareness in mental health.
Introduction
The prevalence of ADHD amongst adults is estimated at 2.58-6.76% globally1 and the number is growing among working class individuals and people in white collar markets2. A rising number of people are seeking mental health professionals such as therapists, psychiatrists, and psychologists not only to address specific symptoms but with the explicit aim of attaining an ADHD diagnosis and its subsequent treatment3,4,5. This trend has contributed to a significant rise in demand for ADHD medications and therapies6,7. Feelings of inadequacy, lack of motivation, and difficulty keeping up with the intensifying stresses of a competitive work environment have driven more people to seek psychiatric care as they believe their experiences may be the result of an ADHD syndrome5,8,9,10. For many, this is seen as a socially sanctioned avenue to seek solutions for their struggles and to maintain their productivity11,12.
Patients embarking on this therapeutic journey often begin their search for a diagnosis by going online or seeking a psychiatrist or therapist who can offer diagnostic and therapeutic services for ADHD, especially with the hope they can be offered accommodations or medications to address their symptoms and regain their edge at work13,14,15,16,5,17. Online platforms, including those targeted at professionals such as CEOs, frequently discuss ADHD within the context of workplace stress and productivity; these can include websites that talk about what ADHD is18,19,20, and they offer insights into the condition alongside plans and approaches for how to cope with it, manage symptoms, enhance focus, and boost productivity in demanding professional environments11,21.
As publicised and commonly understood, ADHD can present as a lack of attention, distractibility, and inability to complete tasks to the point of impacting one’s quality of life and work22,23. In most traditional encounters at a clinic, a psychiatrist or therapist will inquire about the patient’s concerns and in response to a request for an ADHD assessment, administer a series of diagnostic evaluations24,25. These may include tests such as Conners’ Adult ADHD Rating Scales, Brown Attention-Deficit Disorder Scales, and the Wender Utah Rating Scale designed to measure various factors associated with the symptoms described26,27,28. The diagnosis is determined via a combination of test results, the clinician’s subjective evaluation, and the extent of the patient’s expressed desire for a formal diagnosis and access to treatment options25,29. Once diagnosed, patients are typically prescribed stimulant medications such as amphetamines aimed at enhancing their focus and productivity30. They may also engage in therapy sessions focused on developing strategies for improving focus, establishing habits, and managing tasks more effectively31.
It is worth noting that psychiatric care for ADHD, like many other mental health conditions, adheres to a model that emphasises symptom identification, diagnosis, and a treatment regimen combining therapy and pharmacological interventions32,25. While this approach often asserts to be grounded in the bio-psycho-social model of health, it frequently neglects the broader economic and social contexts within which diagnoses are made. This omission raises critical questions about the efficacy of such treatments and whether the goals of care align with the needs of both the individual patient and society at large. In this essay I hope to explore the perspectives of a patient seeking psychiatric care for ADHD and a psychiatrist who applies a critical lens to how ADHD is conceptualised, diagnosed, and treated. A critical perspective is needed not only to ensure patients get the best support and care but also to address the consequences of potential systemic over-medicalisation and treatment of patients’ experiences and struggles. Larger, it examines the complex role psychiatry may play in pathologising human struggles within systems that place significant demands on workers. The critical psychiatrist is placed in tension with the traditional medical guidelines for treating patients that encourage a diagnosis of ADHD and treatment with pharmaceuticals. The patient however struggles with symptoms of distractedness or inattention and a larger societal pressure to seek diagnoses and treat pharmaceutically, especially when social, personal, and economic pressures drive them in that direction.
In this essay, I will explain the position of the critical psychiatrist and the patient as well as recommendations for providers and their patients to navigate their moral and pragmatic differences.
Moral View of a Critical Psychiatrist
Initially, it is important to explain the critical perspective of the psychiatrist who encounters patients seeking an ADHD diagnosis. In the spirit of grounded inquiry and concern for the discipline and patients it serves, the critical psychiatrist challenges traditional diagnostic standards and norms within psychiatric practice33. They question both the criteria used for diagnosis and the therapeutic objectives associated with conditions such as ADHD34. This critical approach requires examining the broader social context in which mental health conditions are defined, diagnosed, and treated. It strives to understand how psychiatric institutions, in collaboration with their associates in the pharmaceutical industry, contribute to the pathologisation of natural variations in human behaviour35,36,37. Furthermore, it examines how these institutions selectively endorse a narrow range of therapeutic interventions that primarily advance their economic and social priorities, while not fully addressing the complex, multi-dimensional nature of mental health, well-being, and what constitutes a life well lived38,37.
The critical psychiatrist highlights how, under neoliberal capitalism, psychiatry aligns its diagnostic (via the DSM) and therapeutic frameworks with broader socio-economic imperatives, prioritising the extraction of labour value and, often relatedly, the suppression of resistance and dissent from the population of labourers39. Psychiatric institutions reinforce and normalise neoliberal capitalist hegemony by endorsing ideals that equate mental health with productivity, constant growth, and allegiance to the capitalist status quo40,39. Within this paradigm, the profession implicitly and explicitly defines “normal behaviour” as the ability to function effectively within prevailing societal and economic systems39,36. Conversely, individuals struggling to adapt to these conditions—for example through their inability to partake in a company’s competitive growth goals or maintain constant focus and attention in the workplace—are pathologised, with their difficulties framed as intrinsic defects requiring medical diagnosis and, typically, pharmaceutical intervention12,39.
This framework situates psychiatry as a mechanism of regulation, reinforcing systemic norms by asserting that a person’s dysfunction originates within themselves rather than the socio-economic constructions they navigate41. Concurrently, there exists a prominent cultural emphasis produced by the multi-billion-dollar self-help industry on therapeutic approaches that promote optimism and positivity, encouraging individuals to adjust their attitudes towards economic struggles and social adversities beyond their control42,43. This approach emphasises inward reflection when failures or struggles occur and the need for constant growth to remain afloat or competitive in one’s economic environment. It further redirects critical examination away from systemic inequities in the economic and social structures and instead promotes a narrative of personal inadequacy, thereby bolstering the same conditions that contribute to emotional and cognitive distress.
Traditional psychiatry often aligns its diagnostic criteria not only with the capitalist system, but also with the interests of the pharmaceutical industry, displaying a wider reliance on the biomedical model of health35. This model assumes that mental health conditions, rather than being intrinsically related to a patients socio-economic and cultural context, primarily result instead from hormonal, chemical, or genetic imbalances—a narrative that has been repeatedly challenged across multiple psychiatric conditions38. Despite this, the uncritical acceptance of this framework and the proliferation of psychiatric medications over recent decades underline the profession’s bias towards a medicalised approach to mental health44,37. For instance, the overreliance on stimulant medications in treating ADHD illustrates how psychiatric practice can prioritise capitalist ideals and pharmaceutical interventions, often framing conditions in ways that align with demands of productivity rather than patient well-being, such as using stimulants to “correct” or enhance work performance and manage distress in patient-workers29,5,17. When the desired outcome is productivity, and a medication can purportedly enhance work performance, an individual falling short of economic demands can be categorised as inadequate, pathologised, and subsequently treated with pharmaceuticals39,5. In effect, this framework prioritise economic productivity and pharmaceutical solutions over more comprehensive approaches to patient wellbeing.
Thus, a critical psychiatrist is concerned with addressing the role of the pharmaceutical industry not only in advancing medical approaches to treatment, but its role in shaping diagnostic criteria35,45. This perspective recognises the problematic nature of excessive medication use to treat conditions that are, to some extent, socially constructed or influenced38,12.
While this critique of social and economic drivers may seem foreign to the traditional tightknit therapeutic relationship between a patient and their psychiatrist, it is essential to uncover in pursuit of a more therapeutically unbiased and liberated support mechanism for patients (which will be discussed in Part 2). Importantly, a critical psychiatrist is neither inherently opposed to medication nor dismissive of the genuine struggles patients experience with focus, attention, and other challenges. Instead, their critique centres on the diagnostic paradigm that often reduces patients to rigid disease categories that are shaped by the priorities of capitalist social and economic contexts39,46. They challenge the predominantly neurobiological approach to understanding and treating conditions that are not demonstrably related to a clinically significant biological pathology, especially when such a paradigm is utilised primarily to justify a therapeutic model that has the economic gains of the pharmaceutical industry as a significant end47,44. Moreover, they emphasise the importance of considering the broader social contexts and behavioural patterns that contribute to a patient’s difficulties, advocating for a more nuanced and patient-centred approach to care48.
Patient Perspective on Treatment for ADHD
In addition to the critical psychiatrist who struggles with the traditional psychiatric paradigm for diagnosing and treating mental health conditions, there exists the patients who themselves are struggling with their own mental health needs, an onslaught of ADHD advertising, and feelings of inadequacy exacerbated by socio-economic conditions.
Patients seeking an ADHD diagnosis and subsequent care often share common experiences and characteristics that range in severity and degree of disability8. It is not a primary interest in this paper to address the extremes of patients suffering from symptoms of severe dysfunction who may also suffer from a range of comorbid conditions. Rather, it is the adult patient who is pathologised for not keeping up. Given the extent of advertisement about ADHD describing a range of normal human struggles as potentially related to or caused by ADHD, many patients seek psychiatric support as means to overcome these challenges5,49. Such advertisements often dilute severe symptomatology by equating any lapse in focus or attention with ADHD. These patients include white-collar professionals whose roles are becoming increasingly demanding, with employers expecting intensified levels of productivity and efficiency40. These individuals present with symptoms commonly associated with ADHD such as difficulty focusing, lack of motivation, and struggles with task completion23,5. Driven by the demands to succeed or excel in a competitive workplace, workers approach therapists or psychiatrists feeling exhausted by their struggles and seeking a diagnosis21. They often internalise the belief that their difficulties result from personal or mental inadequacies, either biological or psychological, and that pharmaceutical interventions might enhance their abilities to keep up with life’s demands43. Consequently, they seek therapy or psychiatric care for a condition framed within the neoliberal capitalist paradigm, namely ADHD, and are likely to request medications such as Adderall to improve their performance39,17,29.
This phenomenon, wherein patients seek medical solutions for challenges that are otherwise usual responses to ever more demanding office pressures, has extended outside the clinical setting. Non-patients increasingly acquire these stimulant medications through social networks to enhance their productivity. As discussed by Sales et al (2019) such usage reflects a wider societal trend where medications are seen as tools to acquire a competitive edge even outside clinical therapeutic guidance50. Individuals use these substances to become more sociable, work longer hours, and remain competitive, aligning themselves with societal norms that prioritise high performance and productivity. In this context, using stimulants is not stigmatised as “cheating,” nor giving into an unreasonably demanding socio-economic system, but is considered a pragmatic solution to increasing real-world demands.
Complying with and enabling a patients’ desire to acquire an ADHD diagnosis and medications to alleviate their personal and professional struggles may be a normal course of action for a traditional psychiatrist following established standards of care38. This psychiatrist may want to support the patient through their struggles, and with the help of the ADHD diagnosis can give patients a framework to understand and overcome their challenges12. However, it poses a significant struggle for a critical anti-capitalist psychiatrist who not only views their professional responsibilities differently but views such practices as harmful to society at large48,46. In Part 2, I discuss a framework and course of action for critical psychiatrist who tries to address patients’ concerns while still attempting to resist and overcome the traditional psychiatric imperative to diagnose ADHD and medically treat such individuals.
This is Part 1 of a two-part series. Part 2, exploring practical recommendations and challenges, will be published next week. What are your thoughts? Share in the comments.
- Song P, Zha M, Yang Q, Zhang Y, Li X, Rudan I. The prevalence of adult attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder: A global systematic review and meta-analysis. J Glob Health. 2021 Feb 11;11:04009.
- de Graaf R, Kessler RC, Fayyad J, ten Have M, Alonso J, Angermeyer M, Borges G, Demyttenaere K, Gasquet I, de Girolamo G, Haro JM, Jin R, Karam EG, Ormel J, Posada-Villa J. The prevalence and effects of adult attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) on the performance of workers: results from the WHO World Mental Health Survey Initiative. Occup Environ Med. 2008 Dec;65(12):835-42.
- Staley BS, Robinson LR, Claussen AH, Katz SM, Danielson ML, Summers AD, Farr SL, Blumberg SJ, Tinker SC. Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder Diagnosis, Treatment, and Telehealth Use in Adults – National Center for Health Statistics Rapid Surveys System, United States, October-November 2023. MMWR Morb Mortal Wkly Rep. 2024 Oct 10;73(40):890-895.
- Associated Press. Rise in diagnoses is prompting more US adults to ask: Do I have ADHD? 2025.
- Conrad, P., & Potter, D. (2000). From hyperactive children to ADHD adults: Observations on the expansion of medical categories. Social Problems, 47(4), 559-582.
- Hinshaw, S. P., & Scheffler, R. M. (2014). The ADHD explosion: Myths, medication, money, and today’s push for performance. Oxford University Press.
- Daley, D. More adults than ever have been seeking ADHD medications – an ADHD expert explains what could be driving the trend. 2023.
- Young, S., Bramham, J., Gray, K., & Rose, E. (2018). The experience of receiving a diagnosis and treatment of ADHD in adulthood: A qualitative study of clinically referred patients using interpretative phenomenological analysis. Journal of Attention Disorders, 22(12), 1071-1084.
- American Psychological Association. Lack of Access: Root Cause Mental Health Crisis in America. 2022.
- Fournier, A. Effects of psychological stressors in the workplace. 2023.
- Singh, I. (2008). Beyond polemics: Science and ethics of ADHD. Nature Reviews Neuroscience, 9(12), 957-964.
- Conrad, P. (2007). The medicalization of society: On the transformation of human conditions into treatable disorders. Johns Hopkins University Press.
- Attention Deficit Disorder Association. How to get diagnosed with ADHD. 2023.
- Attention Deficit Disorder Association. ADHD workplace accommodations. 2025.
- Job Accommodation Network. Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (AD/HD).
- Nichols, H. ADHD accommodations at work. 2023.
- Cakic, V. (2009). Smart drugs for cognitive enhancement: Ethical and pragmatic considerations in the era of cosmetic neurology. Journal of Medical Ethics, 35(10), 611-615.
- Doyle, N. Survive and thrive with ADHD leadership: Everything you need to know from a CEO who’s been there. 2020.
- EDA INC. Manual for executives with ADHD.
- Healthy Minds NYC. ADHD services.
- Cederström, C., & Spicer, A. (2015). The wellness syndrome: How the pursuit of happiness is making the West sick. Polity Press.
- American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (5th ed.). https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.books.9780890425596.
- Barkley, R. A. (2015). Attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder: A handbook for diagnosis and treatment. Guilford Publications.
- Cleveland Clinic. Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD): Diagnosis and tests. 2023.
- Culpepper, L. (2019). Primary care treatment of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. Journal of Clinical Psychiatry, 80(2), 18ac12687.
- Conners, C. K., Erhardt, D., & Sparrow, E. P. (1999). Conners’ Adult ADHD Rating Scales (CAARS). Multi-Health Systems.
- Brown, T. E. (1996). Brown Attention-Deficit Disorder Scales. Psychological Corporation.
- Ward, M. F., Wender, P. H., & Reimherr, F. W. (1993). The Wender Utah Rating Scale: An aid in the retrospective diagnosis of childhood attention deficit hyperactivity disorder. American Journal of Psychiatry, 150(6), 885-890.
- Timimi, S., & Leo, J. (2009). Rethinking ADHD: From brain to culture. Palgrave Macmillan.
- Faraone, S. V. (2018). The pharmacology of amphetamine and methylphenidate: Relevance to the neurobiology of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder and other psychiatric comorbidities. Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 87, 255-270.
- Young, S., & Bramham, J. (2012). Cognitive-behavioural therapy for ADHD in adults: A psychological guide to practice. John Wiley & Sons.
- Cantor, J. Effort underway to develop first U.S. guidelines for ADHD in adults. 2023.
- Bracken, P., & Thomas, P. (2010). From Szasz to Foucault: On the role of critical psychiatry. Philosophy, Psychiatry, & Psychology, 17(3), 219-228.
- Timimi, S., & Leo, J. (2019). Rethinking ADHD: From brain to culture. Palgrave Macmillan. [Note: This appears to be a duplicate or variant of 29; confirm edition if needed]
- Cosgrove, L., & Krimsky, S. (2012). A comparison of DSM-IV and DSM-5 panel members’ financial associations with industry: A pernicious problem persists. PLoS Medicine, 9(3), e1001190.
- Caplan, P. J. (1995). They say you’re crazy: How the world’s most powerful psychiatrists decide who’s normal. Perseus Publishing.
- Frances, A. (2013). Saving normal: An insider’s revolt against out-of-control psychiatric diagnosis, DSM-5, big pharma, and the medicalization of ordinary life. William Morrow.
- Moncrieff, J. (2008). The myth of the chemical cure: A critique of psychiatric drug treatment. Palgrave Macmillan.
- Cohen, B. M. (2016). Psychiatric hegemony: A Marxist theory of mental illness. Palgrave Macmillan.
- Han, B. C. (2017). Psychopolitics: Neoliberalism and new technologies of power. Verso Books.
- Foucault, M. (2006). Psychiatric power: Lectures at the Collège de France 1973-1974. Palgrave Macmillan.
- Ehrenreich, B. (2009). Bright-sided: How the relentless promotion of positive thinking has undermined America. Metropolitan Books.
- McGee, M. (2005). Self-help, Inc.: Makeover culture in American life. Oxford University Press.
- Gøtzsche, P. C. (2013). Deadly medicines and organised crime: How big pharma has corrupted healthcare. Radcliffe Publishing.
- Spielmans, G. I., & Parry, P. I. (2010). From evidence-based medicine to marketing-based medicine: Evidence from internal industry documents. Journal of Bioethical Inquiry, 7(1), 13-29.
- Timimi, S. (2014). No more psychiatric labels: Why formal psychiatric diagnostic systems should be abolished. International Journal of Clinical and Health Psychology, 14(3), 208-215.
- Moncrieff, J. (2013). The bitterest pills: The troubling story of antipsychotic drugs. Palgrave Macmillan.
- Bracken, P., & Thomas, P. (2005). Postpsychiatry: Mental health in a postmodern world. Oxford University Press.
- Partridge, B., Lucke, J., Bartlett, H., & Hall, W. (2011). Ethical, legal and social concerns about pharmaceuticals for cognitive enhancement. Current Opinion in Biotechnology, 22(5), 681-685.
- Sales, P., Murphy, F., Murphy, S., & Lau, N. (2019). Burning the candle at both ends: motivations for non-medical prescription stimulant use in the American workplace. Drugs: Education, Prevention and Policy, 26(4), 301–308.
About the author
Omar Kawam is a third-year medical student at Rutgers Robert Wood Johnson Medical School, USA, and an MD candidate in the Class of 2027. He has a keen interest in critical psychiatry and ethical approaches to mental health care.